Akpabio and Oshiomhole: The Sexual Politics of Nigeria

Did you catch last week’s heated exchange between Senate President Godswill Akpabio and former Edo State governor, Senator Adams Oshiomhole? If you did, you may have noticed how sex is seen as a threat to Nigeria's governance. Historically, sexual desire has always posed a challenge to leadership. Psychoanalyst Robert Michels captured this idea well: "Everything in the world is about sex, except sex. Sex is about power." He believed life revolves around sex, and sex itself reflects power and aggression. This idea, often mistakenly linked to Oscar Wilde, shows that even powerful people are not immune to the effects of their desires. In recent Nigerian politics, Akpabio and Oshiomhole serve as prime examples of this connection.

In a recent senate session, Akpabio brought up Oshiomhole’s rumored excessive sexual appetite. A few years ago, a photo of Oshiomhole with a female dignitary showed what appeared to be a bulging zipper. Akpabio used this moment to reference a Yoruba saying, “Aja o ran ti imu e ti‘o gbe…” (Only a lazy dog ignores its own wet nose while criticizing the cat’s bathroom habits). I will elaborate on this with the story of Akpabio and a woman who reportedly slapped him for asking for sex.

Last week, Akpabio appeared to be on a mission against Oshiomhole, who had recently criticized him in the media. Oshiomhole ignored Jamaican reggae star Peter Tosh’s advice: “If you live in a glass house, don’t throw stones; if you can’t take blows, brother, don’t throw blows.” During his media tour, Oshiomhole challenged Akpabio’s intentions to give himself a life presidency in the Senate. He accused Akpabio of making rules to silence future Senate presidents. At another event, Oshiomhole claimed Akpabio was guilty of favoritism, saying his daughter got a high-paying job at the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC) without following the right steps.

To retaliate for Oshiomhole's constant provocations, Akpabio struck back last week. Oshiomhole had opposed the confirmation of Abayomi Fasina, a former Vice-Chancellor at the Federal University of Oye-Ekiti (FUOYE), as a non-career ambassador. Fasina had recently faced accusations related to a scandal involving inappropriate behavior.

“It’s common knowledge that this man… has been accused by two women,” Oshiomhole stated. “For the Senate to endorse someone facing such allegations… we need to respect women’s feelings. It would be wise to wait until he clears himself in court.” Then Akpabio fired back, suggesting Oshiomhole himself had not acted properly in the public eye: “I would have asked a question about a picture showing one of our senators on a plane massaging a girl’s leg. Senator Oshiomhole… we just dismissed the massage thinking it was AI. But if you have more evidence, we have a petition before us…”

Akpabio's remarks referenced a viral video from February, where Oshiomhole was seen massaging a lady’s feet on a private jet. The lady was later identified as South African influencer and adult content creator, Ms. Leshaan Dagama. In today’s slang, a lifestyle influencer and adult content creator translates to Olosho. In the early 1930s, these women were called ashewo in Nigerian newspapers. They were also known as karuwa, asape, akunakuna, and Marina girls during the colonial period.

Akpabio's jab landed hard. Oshiomhole’s media aide claimed the video was fake, but Dagama denied this in an Instagram post, saying: “The video wasn’t AI, but okay, believe your Senator.” Public backlash followed Oshiomhole’s association with Dagama, leading many to question how public officials could mix their work with such matters. Some jokingly said that, like the Yoruba proverb suggests, Oshiomhole was merely reacting to the “hole” in his name. Interestingly, Dagama’s past scandals included a pregnancy issue with Zimbabwean preacher Passion Java, who is close to President Emmerson Mnangagwa.

The link between sex and governance has historical roots. In When Sex Threatened the State: Illicit Sexuality, Nationalism and Politics in Colonial Nigeria, 1900, 1958, Professor Saheed Aderinto documented how the ruling elite have long been involved in sexual scandals, which he calls the “commoditization of sex.” A recent case involving a Nigerian governor’s girlfriend, whose unexplained wealth was seized by the EFCC, reminded me of Aderinto's work. He shared the story of Ruth, a Warri native who returned home after five years of prostitution in Lagos. She used her earnings to fund her brothers' marriages, prompting a local official to request a new tax policy for returning sex workers.

During colonial times, there were many scandals involving the elite. One of the few attempts to discuss illicit sex in colonial Nigeria came from HE Coker, editor of The West African Pilot, who wrote a pamphlet in 1948 called Surplus Women, warning of future social issues. Mazi Mbonu Ojike, another columnist at the same newspaper, supported Coker’s views. Aderinto also highlights the influential female columnist Miss Silva, who condemned prostitution in Lagos in her column, Milady’s Bower.

The EFCC's recent seizure also reminded me of a detailed autobiography by a Lagos prostitute in the colonial era. Segilola made considerable money from powerful men in Lagos and wrote her memoir, titled Ìtàn Ìgbésí Aiyé Èmi Segilola El’ẹyinju Ẹgẹ, Elegberun Ọkọ L’aiyé. This book, advertised in the 5 July 1930 edition of Akéde Èkó, sold out during its 30-part serialization. It became so popular that it sparked rivalry between The Lagos Herald and The Nigerian Daily Times.

Born in September 1882, Segilola was from a noble family and was the only survivor of her parents' children. She chose to sell her body for men’s pleasure. After losing her virginity to a herbalist for sex charms, Segilola courted men from various backgrounds. One of her lovers promised her pocket money of £10, while another spent £30 on her in three months during the early 1910s.

In an article titled “The Carnality of Power,” Wale Adebanwi from the University of Pennsylvania discussed how powerful men use sex as a means of authority. He argued that society should focus on how obscenity reveals the nature of power. In many African countries, a powerful man is expected to show sexual virility. The article encourages everyone, including scholars and common people, to examine how sexual behavior can explain the nature of power. Are Oshiomhole and Akpabio displaying this power?

On the other hand, a perceived lack of sexual virility in a political leader is seen as a weakness. In February 2022, I addressed this in an article about Atiku Abubakar’s sexual history as a presidential candidate. I discussed how prominent figures in Nigeria, Africa, and beyond also face issues with sexual desire, just like everyday Nigerians. I referenced a scandal involving Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, who was rumored to have suffered from erectile dysfunction. His estranged wife confirmed this in an interview.

In 2016, former US Ambassador to Nigeria, James Entwistle, accused members of the Nigerian House of Representatives of inappropriate behavior during a trip to the US. He claimed they attempted to solicit sex and hire prostitutes while abroad. In Nigeria, political power and marital issues often overlap. The role of sex in the Nigerian presidency became a hot topic in 2019, especially during the 2023 elections. Atiku Abubakar faced his own challenges when his wife, Jennifer Iwenjiora Douglas, announced their marriage had ended over property disputes and her move to the UK. Jennifer had previously been linked to a US Senate investigation involving slush funds with Atiku.

Conversely, some African leaders have projected themselves as sexually dominant to show strength. Nigeria's former dictator, General Sani Abacha, was rumored to have died after taking Viagra and being with prostitutes. Other leaders, like Togo's Gnassingbe Eyadema and South Africa's Jacob Zuma, were also known for their sexual exploits.

In Africa, a powerful man who is sexually active is often viewed as strong, unlike Tsvangirai. If he is seen as virile, whether in legitimate or illegitimate ways, it strengthens his authority. Robert Mugabe openly expressed his sexual activities, even marrying Grace, whom he dated while his first wife was still alive.

Olusegun Obasanjo is an example of a powerful man in Nigeria known for his sexual exploits. During a scandal with the Petroleum Trust Development Fund, Atiku accused Obasanjo of using slush funds to buy a car for a woman in Abeokuta, even while married to Nigeria’s First Lady, Stella. There were even claims from Obasanjo’s son that he had an affair with his daughter-in-law. In The Carnality of Power, Adebanwi mentions “one prominent and ‘internationally respected’ West African president who was known for interrupting meetings for quick sexual encounters with his many lovers.”

Military President Ibrahim Babangida’s sexual affairs also became public. In his book Honour for Sale, former aide Major Debo Bashorun described how Maryam Babangida caught him with another woman in France and attacked him. Aides had to break down the door to get him out, found him bruised and out of breath.

Former President Muhammadu Buhari also linked masculinity to power. When asked about his wife’s role in government during a trip to Germany, he infamously said she belonged to the “zi*oza room,” suggesting he still had an active sexual life despite health issues.

Bill Clinton is another example of a powerful man with a history of infidelity. His affairs nearly cost him the presidency, with scandals involving Paula Jones and Monica Lewinsky.

A look into the psychology of power shows what intrigues powerful people. It explains why they sometimes misuse sex to assert dominance. It also reveals why they act recklessly when desire takes over.

Sex often becomes a distracting tool of power. With Akpabio believing he had outsmarted Oshiomhole, he seemed to forget his own scandal involving Joi Nunieh, former Managing Director of the NDDC. Nunieh claimed Akpabio attempted to sexually harass her, famously stating that “Rivers women do not tolerate nonsense.”

In the end, as Adebanwi suggests, by examining these scandalous sexual stories involving politicians, we may find clues about how power dynamics in Nigeria and Africa work. Zimbabwean journalist Fungai Machirori also believes we should study the sexual histories of our leaders. This is because, from the signals sent by their sexual behaviors, we may uncover hidden truths about their political motives.