Taking the ANC to Court Over Afrophobia and Xenophobia

I have solid reasons to take the African National Congress (ANC) to the International Court of Human Conscience and the African Court of Ubuntu for the ongoing afrophobia and xenophobia in South Africa. And I will do it.

The ANC did not teach me about apartheid or the liberation struggles in South Africa. My secondary school teacher, “Titomthy,” taught me instead. He read the abridged versions of EA Ritter’s Shaka Zulu and Alan Paton’s Cry, The Beloved Country to us.

Ritter’s Shaka Zulu introduced me to pre-colonial Southern Africa. I admired Shaka Zulu’s personality, wisdom, confidence, war tactics, and bravery. But I was also troubled by the unnecessary wars he fought, the political chaos he created, and the mass migration that Mfecane caused.

Paton’s Cry, The Beloved Country opened my eyes to White settler colonialism, racism, and apartheid. It showed me how Black Africans suffered dehumanization. Paton warned in 1948 that the South African Black should not be overly hopeful and said, “moved when the birds of his land are singing.”

His warning was clear: “Cry, the beloved country, for the unborn child that is the inheritor of our fear. Let him not love the earth too deeply. Let him not laugh too gladly when the water runs through his fingers, nor stand too silent when the setting sun makes red the veld with fire. Let him not be too moved when the birds of his land are singing, nor give too much of his heart to a mountain or valley. For fear will rob him of all if he gives too much.”

The children of Soweto, who bravely stood against apartheid in 1976, taught me about the struggles of Black South Africans. The torture and murder of Steve Biko made me understand how deadly apartheid truly was. I learned about this from listening to my elders discuss apartheid and the liberation struggles in Southern Africa.

Images of the Soweto Uprising and Biko’s murder in the newspapers of that time, especially Drum and Trust magazines, also influenced me.

The Highlife, Afrobeat, and Reggae songs of that time, especially Sonny Okosun’s “Papa’s Land” and “Fire in Soweto,” made me support the freedom fighters.

Kenneth Kaunda’s Zambia Shall Be Free, Peters Abrahams’ Mine Boy and Tell Freedom, and other Onitsha market literature also inspired me.

The lyrics of Okosun’s “Papa’s Land,” released in 1977, say: “We want to know-we want to know o/Who owns Papa’s Land…/Africans want to know who owns the land…/Africa is my father’s land/Yes-Africa is my papa’s land/Will you let my people go/We want to rule from Cape to Cairo/Will you free my people’s hand/We want to rule from Cape to Cairo/Britain is ruled by the English men/Japan is ruled by Japanese/Africa should be ruled by Africans.”

The lyrics of “Fire in Soweto” say: “Fire in Soweto/Burning all my people/That was fire in Angola/A burning all my people/Riot in Mozambique/Affecting all my people/Fighting in Namibia/Crushing all my people/A shooting in Soweto hey/A killing all my people/A rebel in Zimbabwe/Victimising all my people/I look at them a burning/My people are crying/I look at them a shooting/My people are dying/I look at them a robbing/My people are sighing… The colour of God/Nor black nor white… Africa is our home, freedom is our goal/…Freedom is our hope freedom is our goal.”

Nigerians did not just dance to these songs; we also thought deeply, asked tough questions, and demanded action to free Africa from White settler colonialism and apartheid.

In my undergraduate days at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, I made a clear decision to make the liberation struggle in South Africa and Namibia my own fight.

The Movement for a Progressive Nigeria (MPN) and the Youth Solidarity on Southern Africa (YUSSA), where I held leadership roles, viewed the fight against apartheid as both Nigerian and African.

The National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) called for ongoing support for the ANC from its members.

YUSSA, MPN, and NANS worked together with the Patriotic Youth Movement of Nigeria (PYMN) to show that the struggle for Southern Africa’s freedom was tied to the fight for democracy, development, and social justice in Nigeria. They had three main points.

First, Nigerians and Black South Africans share a common enemy, IMPERIALISM. This system exploits and dehumanizes Black South Africans under the guise of APARTHEID. In Nigeria, imperialism operates as NEO-COLONIALISM.

Second, our support for Black South Africans is not charity; it is mutual help between people fighting for the same goals.

Third, only through our solidarity and struggles can Africa be truly free, democratic, and developed.

Also, it was believed that until all of Africa is free, Africans both on the continent and in the Diaspora will not be respected or free.

As students, we did not just oppose apartheid; we firmly demanded that Nigerian governments recognize the ANC as the true representative of South Africans. We achieved significant success in this.

We also gathered signatures for the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners held by the apartheid government. We remembered key moments and figures in the resistance.

We urged our governments to support the ANC’s activities in Nigeria. Scholarships were given to Black South African students to study in our universities and polytechnics.

We made sure Nigeria was a welcoming home for South African students, even hosting them at our own cost. We used our pocket money and scholarships to help the ANC by producing and sharing ANC materials across Nigeria.

We regularly held exhibitions and organized public lectures, seminars, and discussions about apartheid and liberation struggles in Southern Africa. ANC representatives often spoke at these events.

The national student protests organized by NANS from 1982 to 1992 highlighted the issues and struggles of the ANC. Students pressured Nigerian governments to nationalize foreign companies operating in South Africa.

Most of what Nigerian governments did against apartheid was influenced by the student movement. Anti-apartheid feelings were so strong that Nigerian governments avoided actions that could harm the liberation movements.

We also paid a price for the liberation struggles in South Africa. Anti-apartheid student activists were often seen as “security threats,” facing harassment, suspension, and expulsion from schools.

YUSSA’s patron, Dr Francis Patrick Wilmot, was kidnapped and wrongfully detained by General Ibrahim Babangida’s government because he was seen as a “security threat.”

So, I have every right to take the ANC to the International Court of Human Conscience and the African Court of Ubuntu for the ongoing afrophobia and xenophobia in South Africa.