Remembering the NLC Protest March of June 4, 1986

On 4 June 1986, forty years ago, Nigeria saw a significant moment when the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), led by the humble and brave Alhaji Ali Chiroma, announced a nationwide protest march.

I previously wrote about the NLC's decision in my article for Premium Times on 10 April 2024, titled “Ali Chiroma and the 4th of June protest.”

It is worth repeating that the NLC's decision came after the tragic events at Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) in Zaria on 22 and 23 May 1986. During these protests, some students and children were killed and injured, which sparked protests across the nation. The state's violent response led to more deaths.

The ABU Vice Chancellor, Professor Ango Abdullahi, made an insensitive comment saying he had “no regrets inviting the police” and that “only four people died,” which angered many Nigerians. The Kaduna State Police Commissioner, Nuhu Aliyu, added fuel to the fire with his claim that the “law authorised them (Police) to shoot…”

The military regime under Babangida showed a careless attitude. They did not address the issue for three days and failed to calm the students or console the affected families, worsening the situation.

The government ignored popular demands for the suspension of Abdullahi, Aliyu, and Professor Jibril Aminu, who was the Education Minister. They also refused to release detained students. This angered the NLC, NANS, and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU).

The military junta's decision to set up a panel to investigate the matter did not help. Instead, it irritated the NLC, NANS, and ASUU because history shows these panels often just cover up the truth.

The NLC rejected the Abisoye panel and announced on 28 May 1986 that 4 June would be a Day of National Mourning, marked by peaceful marches across Nigeria. This declaration showed the NLC's support for NANS and ASUU’s stand against the panel.

The NLC wanted to honor human lives and protect civil and democratic rights. They aimed to unite people against anti-democratic forces.

The military rulers were furious. They claimed the NLC's declaration was “most irritating and annoying” and said the Congress had become a nuisance. They saw the planned march as a challenge to their authority and vowed to respond with all their might.

Instead of just threats, they acted by mobilizing armed forces, police, and security agencies. Chiroma described it as “an all-out war, by land, sea and air against unarmed workers, more serious than even shoot-at-sight order…”

Because of this threat and pressure from opportunists within the NLC, a compromise was reached to limit the protest to only a few representatives of labor unions. Still, the military took no chances.

On 3 June, at midnight, armed personnel took over NLC secretariats across the nation, declaring them “SECURITY ZONE, KEEP OFF.” They arrested many labor and student leaders and stationed heavily armed police at universities, even those that were closed. Streets in Lagos and other towns were filled with security forces, and military tanks were positioned at key locations.

The military junta effectively stopped the 4 June protest march.

But it was not just this march that faced cancellation; the First Independence Movement (FIM) suffered greatly, too. Whether FIM could recover is still debated, but what is clear is that today, FIM has lost its importance and is nearly forgotten.

The junta’s decision on 27 June 1986 to adopt the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB) structural adjustment program destroyed many of FIM's achievements. The naira was devalued, and state-owned companies were privatized, leading to the loss of our common resources.

The NLC was disbanded in March 1988 because it “has metamorphosed into two ideological lines.” Chief Michael Ogunkoya was made the “sole administrator” of NLC to reorganize it.

ASUU was cut off, and the NLC-NANS alliance was dissolved. Chiroma was forced into retirement, and the NLC's radical members were neutralized. Right-wing leaders who were anti-workers took over the NLC.

To this day, labor has not recovered from the damage done by the military and these new leaders. The NLC suffered under Adams Oshiomhole and Ayuba Wabba. Under Wabba, the NLC became the opposite of what it was under Comrades Hassan Sunmonu and Chiroma. General strikes were called without real results.

In the past, NANS faced state repression, including bans and dissolutions of its groups. Many leaders faced arrests and expulsions, but this did not stop their fight against the military.

NANS became strong, leading protests against military rule and neoliberal policies. It was truly the voice of the oppressed and fought for democracy and development.

Sadly, since the late 1990s, NANS has been taken over by violent groups supported by state security and corrupt politicians. Their leaders have become spokespersons for these politicians instead of fighting for development and justice.

In the past, Nigerians stood together for basic rights like life and freedom of movement. Lives mattered back then. Today, no organization stands up for human lives as NLC, NANS, and ASUU did in the 1980s.

Under military rule, people could move freely. Student activists often traveled at night to avoid security checks. They returned safely to their campuses to continue their studies and activism.

Today, fear of bandits and terrorists, who kidnap for ransom, dominates people's lives. With a constitution, Nigerians still cannot move, work, learn, or socialize freely. Where is the country now?