King Mswati's eSwatini: A Kingdom of Fear and Silence

King Mswati III is celebrating 40 years on the throne in eSwatini, a small kingdom with 1.5 million people. There is a lot of excitement in the air. Big companies like Standard Bank and Nedbank, along with important regional leaders, are praising the king. Meanwhile, disappointed activists, many living in exile, watch helplessly as regional leaders support the king.

The kingdom held a two-day celebration that drew thousands to the old Somhlolo stadium. Later, the event moved to the new International Convention Centre (ICC) in Mbabane. The occasion was full of color, music, and excitement.

Among the guests were Lesotho’s King Letsie III and presidents Daniel Chapo of Mozambique and Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe. Botswana's young leader Duma Boko and Andry Rajoelina, Madagascar’s ousted leader, also attended. Former leaders Ian Khama and Joseph Kabila were there too. Taiwanese leader Lai Ching-te, who faced travel issues due to China, managed to attend as a “stowaway,” as noted by China. Lai criticized China for blocking his trip to eSwatini in April but is now seen with a king known for his tight grip on power.

The kingdom's welcome of Rajoelina and Lai contrasts sharply with its record of human rights abuses and the harassment of pro-democracy activists. Exiles are afraid to return home. Those still in eSwatini are scared to speak out. Critics point out that the kingdom's allies ignore these issues. The ban on a May Day rally in Hlatikhulu was only discussed within civil society. The international media gave more attention to Lai's travel issues than to the “real state of affairs” of fear and silence, says Zweli Dlamini, one of the few investigative reporters still working in eSwatini.

“Any media outlet run or sponsored by mainland China would highlight Lai but ignore the suffering of the Swazis. Lai's eagerness to come here shows what he gains from this relationship at the cost of the eSwatini people,” Dlamini said. “World leaders don’t care. Taiwan doesn’t care. China, the US, SADC, and other global organizations don’t care. Human rights violations are well-documented,” he added, referencing the deadly events of mid-2021 that still haunt the nation.

“One MP is in prison. Another is in exile. Thulani Maseko is dead. These events are connected to 2021.” Dlamini, who has many unanswered questions, mentions human rights lawyer and columnist Maseko’s involvement in the now-failed national dialogue. “Who do you think killed him? If people are silenced by the barrel of a gun, who will speak out?” Yet, the royal family and government often claim to promote peace and stability. State media supports this narrative.

King Mswati's father, King Sobhuza II, ruled for 60 years before passing away in 1982. Four years later, an 18-year-old Mswati was crowned king in April 1986 at Somhlolo. Now, after four decades, he is the second longest-reigning monarch in the world, behind Sweden's Carl XVI, and the longest-serving leader in the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

The economic situation is not good. The GDP is US$4.86 billion, which means a GDP per capita of US$3,900. This ranks eSwatini at 149th globally. While there are investments in road improvements and the new ICC, the lack of equal rights under the law leaves many Swazis struggling with poverty and facing government oppression.

Despite having many supporters from Southern Africa, Taiwan, and the US, Mswati's human rights record is poor. Critics accuse him and his government of bullying and mysterious deaths, including those of Maseko, Thabani Nkomonye, and Sipho Jele, who died in custody. The king’s ban on a May Day rally went largely unnoticed in South Africa, which has a large Swazi exile community. Yet, in praising the king in April, South African president Cyril Ramaphosa spoke of “strong and fraternal relations” but ignored the oppressive conditions under Mswati's rule.

Mswati is often called names like “tin-pot dictator” and “the last absolute monarch in Africa,” according to journalist Bheki Makhubu. Makhubu, who has written a lot about Mswati and was jailed with Maseko on false charges, reflects on the king's long rule as he drives toward Manzini, past the off-ramp to Lozitha Palace. He sees both good and bad moments in Mswati’s leadership.

Authorities target whistleblowers who demand accountability, Makhubu says, and he worries about the rise of conservative journalists. He notes that civil servants face punishment for asking for overdue salary increases. The state is accused of attacking citizens who demand justice, better social services, and the right to elect their leaders. The banned People’s Democratic Movement (Pudemo) has called for such changes for years, but leaders like Ramaphosa and Boko have ignored them.

Direct elections would change the current system where the king can appoint any premier. Mswati has had 15 male PMs, with seven acting in their roles. Only one PM, Barnabas Dlamini, served for five years. This constant change raises questions about succession and accountability.

The economy remains weak. The GDP of US$4.86 billion leads to a GDP per capita of US$3,900. This puts eSwatini at 149th in the world. While investments in road improvements and the ICC show some modernization, the lack of equal rights leaves many Swazis suffering from poverty and government oppression.

Prime Minister Russell Dlamini talks about “monarchial democracy” and economic empowerment but shows no real intent to make that happen. “It’s clear there are many things left undone… Almost 60 percent of the population lives below the poverty line,” Dlamini once admitted. The situation has only worsened. Dlamini's spokesperson, Donald Mdhluli, reported that 20 eSwatini nationals were arrested by South African police for illegal mining. Meanwhile, Lesotho declared unemployment a national disaster when it hit 30 percent last year.

Maseko was shot dead in 2023 at home. His wife, Tanele Maseko, believes the king knew about or ordered the murder. “It was around 8 p.m. when Thulani expressed his fears of being killed. The king spoke around 3 p.m. and by 10:15 p.m., he was shot dead,” she told The Nation. “We’re not children here; the king meant what he said.” The PM was accused of bullying her when she asked for answers.

The monarchy claims Tinkhundla connects modern and traditional politics. Critics disagree. A survey by Uniswa showed that 45 percent of 1,000 participants wanted Tinkhundla changed to allow voters to directly elect their MPs and PMs. A quarter wanted to keep the system, while 30 percent were unsure. Makhubu sees the problem clearly. “Even if Tinkhundla was changed to multi-party democracy today, accountability would still be an issue,” he says.

Nqobile Mkhatshwa, a political scientist, also noted the fear and silence in her research. She highlighted the death of unionist Sipho Jele shortly after his arrest at a rally for wearing a Pudemo T-shirt. “It is the threats of punishment and the obvious brutality of the state that create fear among Swazis, stopping them from challenging the government.”

Looking at the guest list, with names like Mnangagwa and Boko who defend human rights, Pudemo activist Pius Vilakati fears the support from SADC gives the king more confidence. Vilakati’s story is similar to Nkomonye’s. As a law student at the University of Swaziland, he fled before Jele’s funeral. Jele’s death sparked activism, but Makhubu fears “nobody can dare speak out now” after recent events like Maseko’s killing while watching a football match.

Vilakati finds it ironic that Mswati welcomes Rajoelina, who fled Madagascar amid protests, but silences the Swazis. “Those who are ousted for human rights abuses find comfort with Mswati,” the exiled student leader says. “He’s running out of friends, so he’s taking anyone.” This view is common, but reasons vary. Princess Sikhanyiso points to power struggles in the palace and how low some royal family members will go. “The king is pretty much isolated,” she said in Without A King.

Multiple requests for comments about Rajoelina's visit to eSwatini went unanswered. After months of hiding, Rajoelina appeared as Mswati's guest in February and again at the big event in Manzini last month. The government also ignored requests for comments on the violence and needed changes to the Tinkhundla system.

The monarchy sees Tinkhundla as a bridge between modern and traditional politics. Critics disagree. In a survey by Uniswa, 45 percent of 1,000 people wanted Tinkhundla changed for direct elections of MPs and PMs. A quarter wanted to keep the system, and 30 percent were not sure. Makhubu highlights the issues. “Even if Tinkhundla were replaced with multi-party democracy today, accountability would still be a problem,” he says. “Creating a political party from the king’s inner circle won’t change their lack of accountability. They will still answer to the king, and some may believe their power is supreme.”

Fresh from another May Day attack, pro-democracy activists and labor groups plan to remember the fifth anniversary of the 2021 massacre. Expect a harsh response from the state. But will things calm down and the political climate worsen afterwards? Dlamini is hopeful. “Give it time, but we know change is coming. What happened in 2021 made people think. Change will come, but it will take time.”