King Mswati III Celebrates 40 Years in Power Amid Fear and Silence

King Mswati III is enjoying a moment of infrastructure growth as he marks 40 years on the throne in eSwatini, a landlocked kingdom with 1.5 million people. There are celebrations everywhere. Big companies like Standard Bank and Nedbank, along with regional leaders, are praising the king. But dejected activists, some now living abroad, watch helplessly as they try to reclaim the conversation while regional leaders support the king.

The kingdom held a two-day celebration that brought thousands to the old Somhlolo stadium. The event then moved to Mbabane’s new International Convention Centre (ICC). It was a day filled with color, music, and excitement.

Lesotho’s King Letsie III and presidents Daniel Chapo of Mozambique and Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe were among the guests. Botswana’s Duma Boko and Madagascar’s ousted leader Andry Rajoelina also attended. Ian Khama and Joseph Kabila, who both stayed in eSwatini after leaving their posts in Botswana and the DRC, were present too. Taiwanese leader Lai Ching-te, who faced travel issues due to tensions between Beijing and Taipei, eventually made it to the event as a “stowaway,” as China described. Lai, whose team criticized China for blocking his trip to eSwatini in April, is now oddly supporting a king known for his authoritarian rule.

This warm welcome for Rajoelina and Lai contrasts sharply with the kingdom’s record of human rights abuses and the persecution of pro-democracy activists. Exiles are too scared to return home. Those still in eSwatini are frightened to voice their opinions. Critics are frustrated with eSwatini’s allies for ignoring the problems. The ban on a May Day rally in Hlatikhulu only became a topic among civil society. The international media focused more on Lai’s travel saga than on the “real state of affairs”: fear and silence, according to Zweli Dlamini, one of the few investigative reporters working in eSwatini.

“Any media outlet backed by China would highlight Lai but overlook the struggles of the Swazis. Lai’s eagerness to visit here shows what he gains from this relationship at the cost of eSwatini’s people,” Dlamini states. “World leaders do not care. Taiwan does not care. China, the US, SADC, and other global organizations don’t care. The human rights violations are well-documented,” he adds, pointing to the massacre in mid-2021 that still affects the country.

“One MP is in jail. Another is in exile. Thulani Maseko is dead. All these events are connected to 2021.” Dlamini questions the killing of human rights lawyer and columnist Maseko, who was involved in eSwatini’s failed national dialogue. “Who do you think killed him? If people are silenced by force, who will speak out?” But the royal family and government often make statements about peace and unity. The state media supports this narrative.

King Mswati’s father, King Sobhuza II, passed away in 1982 after ruling for sixty years. Four years later, with LaTfwala, the Queen Mother, as regent, a young 18-year-old prince was crowned King Mswati III at Somhlolo on a hot day in April 1986. Now, after 40 years, Mswati is the world’s second longest-reigning monarch, following Sweden’s Carl XVI, and the longest-serving leader in the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

The economic situation is not good either. The GDP is US$4.86 billion, which means a GDP per capita of US$3,900. This ranks eSwatini at a disappointing 149th in the world. While there are visible investments in road upgrades and the new ICC, the absence of equal rights means that Swazis, already facing high poverty, are caught between government oppression and state-sponsored deaths.

Even with a large support base from Southern Africa to Taiwan and the US, Mswati’s human rights record is poor. Many blame the king and his government for bullying and mysterious deaths, including Maseko, Thabani Nkomonye, and Sipho Jele, who all died in custody. The government’s ban on a May Day rally, likely issued by the king with judicial backing, went unnoticed in neighboring South Africa, which has a significant Swazi exile group. Nonetheless, during a visit in April, Cyril Ramaphosa, South Africa’s president, praised the “strong and fraternal relations” between the countries but avoided discussing the oppressive conditions that have marked Mswati’s 40-year rule.

Mswati has been called many names, “from tin-pot dictator to the last absolute monarch in Africa,” notes Bheki Makhubu. Makhubu, one of the region’s bravest journalists, has written extensively about Mswati. On the road to Manzini, near Lozitha Palace and stunning mountains, he reflects on the king’s long rule, including both good and bad moments.

Authorities chase whistleblowers who demand accountability, Makhubu states, criticizing the rise of conservative journalists while independent voices are pushed aside. Civil servants have faced harassment for asking for overdue salary increases, he observes. The government is accused of brutalizing citizens who seek justice, better social services, improved health care, the unbanning of political parties, and the right to vote for MPs and prime ministers. The banned People’s Democratic Movement (Pudemo) has been advocating for these changes for years, but leaders like Ramaphosa and Boko have ignored their calls.

Direct elections would change the current system where the king can appoint any premier. Fifteen prime ministers (all men) have served under Mswati, with seven in acting roles. Only one prime minister, Barnabas Dlamini, served for more than five years. This constant change raises questions about succession and accountability, Makhubu adds.

The economic situation is still grim. The GDP stands at US$4.86 billion, giving a GDP per capita of US$3,900. This puts eSwatini at a lowly 149th in the world rankings. Investments in road upgrades and the new ICC are signs of modernization. But without equal rights under the law, Swazis, already facing high poverty levels, deal with government oppression and state-sponsored deaths.

Prime Minister Russell Dlamini talks about “monarchial democracy” and prioritizing economic empowerment, but lacks the will to make it happen. “There are clear issues that remain unresolved… Almost 60 percent of the population lives in poverty,” Dlamini has admitted. The situation has only worsened. Spokesperson Donald Mdhluli reported that 20 eSwatini citizens were arrested by South African police for illegal mining during the king’s celebration.

In a tragic turn, Maseko was shot dead in 2023 at home. His widow, Tanele Maseko, believes Mswati knew about or ordered the killing. “It was around 8 p.m. when Thulani said he feared for his life. The king spoke at around 3 p.m. At 10:15 p.m., he was shot dead,” she shared with The Nation. “We are not fools, the king meant what he said.” The prime minister was accused of intimidating the widow when she sought answers.

The fear-silence situation also affected Nqobile Mkhatshwa, a political scientist. In her thesis, she argues that the regime is known for harshly suppressing those who oppose it. Mkhatshwa notes the death of unionist Sipho Jele in custody shortly after his arrest during a rally for wearing a Pudemo T-shirt. “The threats of punishment and clear brutality from the state create fear among Swazis to avoid challenging the government.”

Looking at the guest list, with names like Mnangagwa and Boko who advocate for human rights, Pudemo activist Pius Vilakati fears that SADC’s support has emboldened the king. Vilakati’s story resembles Nkomonye’s. As a law student at the then-University of Swaziland, Vilakati fled just before his comrade Jele’s funeral. Jele’s death motivated activists, but Makhubu worries that “nobody can dare make a noise now” due to recent events like Maseko’s killing while watching football at home.

Vilakati calls it “ironic” that Mswati welcomes Rajoelina, who fled Madagascar amid protests, while silencing Swazi voices. “When people are removed from power due to human rights violations or corruption, they find safety with Mswati,” says the exiled student leader. “He’s running out of allies, so he’s accepting everyone.” Many share this view for different reasons. Princess Sikhanyiso points to palace power struggles and the low tactics some royal family members would use. “The king is quite isolated,” she said in Without A King.

We sent several requests for comments about Rajoelina’s presence in eSwatini but got no response. Rajoelina disappeared for months after his ouster, only to reappear as Mswati’s guest in February and at the recent celebration in Manzini. The government also ignored our requests for comments about violence and reforms in the Tinkhundla system.

The monarchy claims that Tinkhundla connects modern and traditional political systems. Critics disagree. A survey from Uniswa found that 45 percent of 1,000 people polled wanted Tinkhundla changed to allow voters to elect their MPs and prime ministers directly. A quarter wanted to keep the system, while 30 percent were unsure. Makhubu highlights the root issue. “Even if Tinkhundla was replaced by a multi-party democracy today, the problem remains: accountability,” he states. “Forming a party with the same people who work with the king won’t change their lack of understanding. They will still be accountable to the king. Others may think their authority is supreme and answer only to themselves.”

After another May Day incident, pro-democracy activists and labor groups are preparing to mark the fifth anniversary of the 2021 massacre. Expect a harsh response from the state. But will the situation cool down, leading to a regression? Dlamini remains hopeful. “Give it time, but we know that change is coming. The events of 2021 made people think and reflect. It won’t take long, but it also won’t be quick.”