Malian Women Push Back Against Support for Female Genital Cutting

This August, a new social media campaign supporting female genital mutilation (FGM) appeared in Mali. This has brought back discussions about women’s rights, tradition, and national pride.

After a local NGO put up posters in Bamako against FGM, anonymous accounts started sharing images that flipped the message. Men from different backgrounds are shown smiling or giving thumbs up. They are surrounded by Mali's national colors and the slogan: ‘In Mali, yes to excision! Let’s protect girls and build their future.’

This slogan twists the argument for protection in a country where cutting parts of young girls’ genitals is still common. Often, this is done without anaesthesia and can lead to severe complications. A 2023 study found that FGM causes about 44,000 extra deaths each year across 15 African countries, including Mali. This makes it a major cause of death for girls and young women in places where it is practiced.

Those who survive face serious consequences. These can be immediate such as severe pain, bleeding, infections, and emotional trauma. Long-term effects include chronic pain, urinary and menstrual issues, higher chances of difficult childbirth, and lasting psychological scars.

Women’s rights groups in Mali have fought against FGM for decades. Soon after gaining independence in 1960, midwife and politician Aoua Kéita and other activists pushed for changes in the 1962 Marriage Code. They succeeded in banning forced marriages and setting a minimum marriage age. But they could not ban excision or polygamy.

In 2009, strong conservative forces blocked laws aimed at improving women’s rights in families. In 2019, they did the same against laws on violence toward women. Mali’s 2024 Penal Code condemns violence generally but does not specifically mention FGM.

This legal gap has hurt many women and girls in Mali. The latest Demographic and Health Survey shows that 89 percent of women aged 15 to 49 have undergone FGM, one of the highest rates in the world. For girls aged 0 to 14, the rate is 70 percent, down from 74 percent in 2018. This suggests that the practice may be slowly declining.

But this decline is small and could easily reverse. Many people in Mali, both women and men, still believe FGM is a religious must or a tradition to keep. These views are disputed, but the lack of agreement puts thousands of baby girls at risk each year.

Supporters of FGM downplay its harm. They argue that it is necessary to control women’s sexuality, which reflects patriarchal control. In many areas of Mali, suffering is seen as a badge of honor for women. This normalizes pain and creates stigma around women who have not undergone cutting.

The ‘yes’ campaign also claims that opposing FGM is a foreign idea. This ignores Mali’s long history of local resistance, from Kéita to modern human rights activists. Yet, it aligns with wider narratives that frame women’s rights as foreign and traditional gender roles as a strength.

But this reasoning replaces one form of control with another. It allows men and families to control women’s bodies and harm young girls without consent, calling it a fight against foreign influence. It takes away the right of half the population to control their own bodies in the name of national pride.

It is hard to say who is behind the ‘yes’ campaign for FGM. Journalists and local feminist groups have linked much of it to accounts using AI-generated posters, seemingly made to create the look of a mass movement. This makes it tough to understand the true scope of the campaign.

While most men whose images are used support the campaign, some have claimed their images were used without permission or have withdrawn support due to public pressure.

By mimicking the communication style of the ‘no’ campaign, FGM supporters aim to normalize their stance. They create a false balance between ‘yes’ and ‘no’. When both sides seem equal, inaction can be seen as a neutral choice instead of a decision to accept violence. This apparent neutrality helps maintain the current situation.

During Mali’s ‘refoundation’ process, which aims to change social norms and values, women will not accept a stricter gender contract without a fight. The pro-FGM campaign has faced a strong backlash from women’s rights advocates, health workers, and public figures who argue that supporting FGM is not the same as supporting Malian values.

Women, and some men, have also connected with people outside Mali. In Côte d’Ivoire and Togo, the ‘yes’ campaign sparked a swift backlash. Malian and West African communities abroad have organized protests against FGM in cities like Paris and Montreal, showing that FGM will not be ignored anymore.

On 26 August, Mali’s National Human Rights Commission urged the government to ban FGM. Other countries with high rates of FGM, like Burkina Faso, Senegal, Guinea, Niger, Egypt, and Sudan, have passed laws against it. Although these laws have not stopped the practice completely, they have made it riskier for those who carry it out and given women’s rights groups a legal basis to fight it.

But making laws is not the whole answer. In 2024, traditional and religious leaders in The Gambia tried to get Parliament to repeal the 2015 Women’s (Amendment) Act that made FGM illegal. This case is still in the Supreme Court.

Beyond laws, real changes in community attitudes are needed to protect women’s rights. Religious leaders should clarify that FGM is not required in Islam. They should collaborate with women’s rights groups, who have long worked to end the practice, and health professionals who can explain its dangers.

International partners should support these efforts without taking the lead. This could prevent the perception that reform is being forced from outside.