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Remembering the NLC Protest March of June 4, 1986

By Chioma Eze· 4 Jun 2026(updated 2h ago)· 5 min read· 👁 1 views
Remembering the NLC Protest March of June 4, 1986
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On June 4, 1986, forty years ago, something important happened when the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), led by the kind-hearted Alhaji Ali Chiroma, decided to hold a nationwide protest march.

I have talked about the NLC's decision to hold the protest march in my article for Premium Times on April 10, 2024, titled “Ali Chiroma and the 4th of June protest.”

It’s worth repeating that the NLC's decision came after the “Ango-must-go” protest at Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) in Zaria on May 22 and 23, 1986. This protest led to the deaths and injuries of some students and children. These deaths sparked protests across the country, which sadly led to more deaths due to the harsh actions of the state.

The ABU Vice Chancellor, Professor Ango Abdullahi, said he had “no regrets inviting the police” and that “only four people died,” which made people even angrier. The situation worsened when Kaduna State Police Commissioner, Nuhu Aliyu, said the “law authorized them (Police) to shoot…”

The Babangida military regime did not respond to the situation for three days. They also ignored the students’ movement and did not comfort the parents of those affected. This made the crisis worse.

The government's refusal to respond to the demands for the suspension of Abdullahi, Aliyu, and Professor Jibril Aminu, the Education Minister, and to release all arrested students made the NLC, NANS, and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) very angry.

The military junta set up a panel to investigate the crisis, but this did not calm the NLC, NANS, and ASUU. They were annoyed because, in the past, such panels had been used to cover up problems instead of solving them.

On May 28, 1986, the NLC rejected the Abisoye panel. They declared June 4, 1986, as a Day of National Mourning, to be marked with peaceful marches by workers across the country. This angered the military leaders.

The NLC's declaration showed their support for NANS and ASUU against the panel. It showed they cared about human lives and their commitment to protect everyone's human, civil, and democratic rights.

The military leaders felt threatened. They said the NLC's declaration was “most irritating and annoying.” They claimed the proposed march was “a direct challenge” to their “authority and legitimacy.” They vowed to respond with everything they had.

Not only did they threaten, but they also acted on it. They mobilized the armed forces, police, and security forces. In Chiroma’s words, the leaders declared “an all-out war, by land, sea and air against unarmed workers, more serious than even shoot-at-sight order…”

Due to the military's declaration of war against workers and society, and pressure from people with their own interests, a compromise was reached to limit the protest march to only representatives of labor unions. Even so, the military leaders took no chances.

On June 3, at midnight, the NLC's national and state secretariats were taken over by heavily armed personnel. They declared the areas “SECURITY ZONE, KEEP OFF.”

They also arrested and detained labor and student leaders across the nation. Armed police were stationed at schools, which were closed. Security forces filled the streets in Lagos and other cities. Army tanks took over key buildings. Helicopters flew over the city.

So, the military junta stopped the June 4 protest march.

But the June 4 march was not the only thing that was stopped. The First Independence Movement (FIM), which had some successes, was also nearly stopped on June 4.

Whether FIM survived or not is still debated. But what is clear is that today, FIM has little importance, has lost its historical value, and is now almost dead.

The junta's official acceptance of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB) structural adjustment program on June 27, 1986, destroyed the political and democratic gains of FIM.

The devaluation of the naira and the privatization of state-owned companies led to the loss of our collective resources. Our common wealth became private. Many workers were laid off without any compensation or benefits.

The military leaders dissolved the NLC in March 1988, claiming it had “metamorphosed into two ideological lines.” They imposed Chief Michael Ogunkoya as the NLC “sole administrator” to restructure it.

ASUU was cut off. The NLC-NANS alliance was dissolved. Chiroma was forced into retirement. Radical forces within the NLC were neutralized. Power-hungry, anti-worker leaders were imposed on the NLC and workers.

Since then, labor has struggled to recover from the damage caused by the military and these new leaders. The NLC faced many challenges under Adams Oshiomhole and Ayuba Wabba. Under Wabba, it became very different from what it was under leaders like Comrades Hassan Sunmonu and Chiroma. General strikes happened with little to show for it.

In the past, NANS resisted state repression, which included banning and dissolving its unions. Their leaders faced suspensions and expulsions from school. Arrests and trials did not stop their fight against the military.

NANS became more active, leading protests against military rule and neoliberal policies. They were truly the “voice of the voiceless” and the leaders in the fight for democracy.

Sadly, since the late 1990s, NANS has been taken over by violent groups supported by state security and corrupt politicians. Their leaders have become mouthpieces for these politicians.

Today, NANS leaders are often against development, democracy, or social justice.

In the past, Nigerians stood together for basic rights, like the right to life. Human lives mattered. But that is not the case today. No organization will stand up for human lives as the NLC, NANS, and ASUU did in the 1980s.

Under military leaders, people could move freely without fear. Student activists often traveled at night to avoid security forces. They returned safely to continue their studies.

Now, fear of bandits and terrorists who kidnap people for ransom is everywhere.

With a constitution, Nigerians still struggle to move, work, play, learn, socialize, and sleep peacefully. There was a country!

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Chioma Eze

Founder & EIC. Lagos-based.

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